MILITANT GROUPS' OF MEGHALAYA
 he Achik National Volunteer Council (ANVC) was formed in December 1995 with an objective of carving out a homeland for the Garo tribe comprising the present districts of Garo Hills in Meghalaya and a large part of the Kamrup and the Goalpara districts in adjoining Assam. The Government of India proscribed the outfit on November 16, 2000. Three and half years later, on July 23, 2004, the outfit signed a ceasefire agreement with the Government of India. The cease-fire agreement with the ANVC was extended for an indefinite period since July 23, 2008. On 24 September 2014, two factions of the Garo militant outfit A’chik National Volunteer Council (ANVC) signed a Memorandum of Settlement with the Central Government and Meghalaya Government at New Delhi.The ANVC is headed by Dilash R. Marak, who is the ‘Chairman’ of the outfit. Jerome Momin is the outfit’s ‘Commander-in-Chief’ and Wanding R. Marak is its ‘General Secretary’. The outfit divides its area of operation into several zones and each zone is headed by a ‘commander’. In its prime days, the outfit boasted of about 250 cadres, about half of whom were armed with an assortment of weapons. Before the ceasefire agreement, ANVC operated in the Garo Hills area and in certain parts of the West Khasi Hills. It maintained its headquarters at Cheram in the Garo Hills. Among its activities was extortion from the trading community in the name of ‘fund collection’. Besides that, the outfit is also known to have indulged in fake currency circulation in Meghalaya. The National Socialist Council of Nagaland - Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) played a crucial role in the formation of the ANVC. It armed and trained the ANVC cadres in return for a share of the extorted amount. Subsequently, the outfit developed ties with the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB). Both the outfits received assistance from the ANVC in terms of establishing safe houses in the Garo Hills area. The ANVC cadres also helped the ULFA and the NDFB cadres in their movement between Bangladesh and Assam. ANVC maintained few camps in Bangladesh and is known to have worked in tandem with the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan. The ANVC cadres have been involved in extortion targeting the coal belt areas of West Khasi Hills and East Garo Hills and have established a finance-sharing nexus with the NSCN-IM. Since it is on ceasefire with the government, the group is now using newly formed militant outfits like the Atong Liberation Army (ALA) in South Garo Hills, and Achik National Security Defence (ANSD) in West Khasi Hills, to sustain extortion drives in coal belt areas. Some of the ANVC cadres based in two designated camps, at Samada and Chokpot, set up under the ceasefire agreement in the Garo Hills. Allegations of extortion activities continued to be leveled against the outfit’s cadres who continue to remain outside the camps. |
A split in the Hynniewtrep Achik Liberation Council (HALC), the first militant outfit in Meghalaya led to the birth of the Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) in 1992. The HNLC aims at transforming Meghalaya into an exclusive province for the Khasi tribe. It also is prejudiced against the presence of the 'outsiders' in the State who it says have deprived the Khasi tribals of their rightful share from the gains of development. The Government of India had proscribed the HNLC on November 16, 2000. Julius K Dorphang is the ‘Chairman’ of the HNLC. Cheristerfield Thangkhiew functions as its ‘General Secretary’. Other leaders are ‘Publicity Secretary’ M. Diengdoh and ‘Commander-in-chief’ Bobby Marwein. On July 24, 2007, Chairman Julius Dorphang, following internal differences within the organisation, surrendered to the State government. Khasi Hills of Meghalaya and State capital Shillong has been the prime area of HNLC’s activities. The outfit extorts and abducts civilians and traders in order to shore up its fund collection activities. State police action against the outfit, however, met with several successes since 2005, rendering the outfit incapable of launching major strikes. In its initial days, the HNLC maintained strategic linkages with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland – Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM). The outfit maintains few camps in Bangladesh, where its top leaders are located. It also promotes the circulation of fake currency in the State, at the behest of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan. Despite several attempts by the State government and the Church, the HNLC has stayed away from starting a process of negotiation with the government. The LAEF in an appeal in the first week of October 2006, outlined the reasons of its existence as: "LAEF stands to fight for a separate Achik state after studying the scenario of the State. It is learnt that the citizens of our land have been ill-treated and discriminated in every field – socially, politically and economically by the Khasis and Jaintias of Meghalaya making our people lag behind in the development process." It called for the Achik (Garo) people "to co-operate and join hands to fight for a peaceful movement for an independent separate Achik State." The present chief of LAEF is Darong Marak. He is the main trainer and ‘finance secretary’ of the outfit. The ‘chairman’ of the outfit is Remsu Rema alias Chingkam. Chingkam Marak works as the 'Convenor cum Publicity Secretary' of the LAEF. The area of the operation includes the East Garo Hills district, South Garo Hills district, Ri Bhoi district and East Khasi Hills district. The outfit’s presence has also been reported from the Goalpara district of Assam. As many as 50 well armed and trained LAEF militants operate from the Garo Hills forests. LAEF has linkages with the NSCN-IM, United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) and Dima Halam Daogah - Jewel Garlossa (DHD-J). Its cadres are trained mainly by the NSCN-IM, though some were also trained by the DHD-J. The outfit is active in Dainadubi, Williamnagar, in East Garo Hills, and Dalu in West Garo Hills. Its main source of funds is extortion. Vincent Sangma is the chairman of the outfit and Nimush Marak is the ‘Commander in Chief’. It maintains its funds mainly through extortion and it has close connections with the ANVC. UANF is active in the Garo Hills of Meghalaya. It finances its operations through extortion and ransom money from kidnappings. It has also established a nexus with the NDFB to target coal traders in the Garo Hills. UANF also has links with other Garo militant outfits in Meghalaya and outfits in other North Eastern states. It also manages its camps in Bangladesh. |
Monday, May 16, 2016
MILITANT GROUPS' OF MEGHALAYA
MILITANT GROUPS' OF TRIPURA
MILITANT GROUPS' OF TRIPURA
ormed on March 12, 1989, National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) aspires to establish an ‘independent’ Tripura by launching an armed struggle against the Indian State. The outfit was initially formed by disgruntled cadres of the Tripura National Volunteers (TNV) led by Dhananjoy Reang.
The outfit’s profile has undergone changes as a result of several splits. One of the major splits occurred in February 2001, following which two factions of the outfit were headed by Biswamohan Debbarma and Nayanbasi Jamatiya. The latter faction, however, surrendered en masse to the Tripura police. Following a failure in the negotiations, Nayanbashi alone left the camp and went back to Bangladesh to start afresh an armed struggle. His cadres, however, stayed back and benefits of the surrender scheme of the state government have been extended to them.
The top leadership of the NLFT faction headed by Biswamohan Debbarma is based in Bangladesh. Headquarters of the outfit is located at Sajak in the Khagrachari district of Bangladesh. The outfit also maintains several of its camps in that country. A poor caricature of its old days, NLFT carries out intermittent hit and run attacks in Tripura. Such activities, in recent times, have been reported only from the Dhalai and West Tripura districts.
NLFT, throughout its existence, is known to have maintained linkages with several other insurgent groupings such as ULFA, NSCN-IM. In recent times, strategic linkages with the ATTF have also been reported. NLFT also has linkages with Pakistan’s ISI and Bangladesh’s DGFI, both being the external intelligence agencies of these countries.
After the Awami League party came to power in Bangladesh in December 2008, it started a crackdown on the insurgent outfits of India based in Bangladesh. On 29 November 2009, NLFT supremo Biswamohan Debbarma was arrested by personnel of Director General Force Intelligence (DGFI), the Bangladeshi intelligence agency from a posh area of Dhaka. This was a big blow for the outfit. Many cadres of the outfit also surrendered, with 53 cadres surrendering in 2009. At present the cadre strength of NLFT is believed to be less than 50 but it has been trying to recruit new cadres.
The All Tripura Tribal Force, precursor of the All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF), was founded on July 11, 1990. Ranjit Debbarma led a group of disgruntled Tripura National Volunteers (TNV) cadres, who had dissociated themselves from the Lalit Debbarma-led faction. The Lalit Debbarma faction had signed an accord with New Delhi and surrendered. In 1992, the ATTF was renamed after substituting the word ‘Tribal’ with ‘Tiger’.
The purported objective of ATTF is to expel all Bengali-speaking immigrant settlers who entered Tripura after 1956, restore land to tribals under ‘Tripura Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act’, 1960 and remove names of migrants who entered Tripura after 1956 from the electoral roll.
Ranjit Debbarma is the President of ATTF. Other office bearers include Vice President Chitta Debbarma alias Bikash Koloi, Organisation Secretary Upendra Debbarma, Publicity Secretary Malinjoy Reang. The outfit’s cadre strength has dwindled drastically over the years. Current strength of ATTF is estimated to be around 200. Past recruitment drives of the outfit have not been very successful in roping in young cadres. The outfit carries out hit and run attacks within Tripura and in recent times, its activities have been reported mostly within West and Dhalai districts.
Like the NLFT, the ATTF’s top leadership is based in Bangladesh. The outfit’s headquarter is located at Tarabon in Bangladesh. Besides the outfit maintains several camps/ safe houses in Bangladesh where it houses and trains its cadres.
Outside Tripura, ATTF maintains linkages with the ULFA, Khaplang faction of the NSCN, the Manipur based PLA, UNLF and PREPAK. Inside Tripura, the ATTF either formed or was associated with several peripheral terrorist/criminal outfits such as the Tripura Tribal Youth Force (TTYF), the Tripura Liberation Organization (TLO), the Tripura Young Rifle (TYR), the Tripura Lion Force (TLF) and the Tripura National Army (TNA). Most of these groups, however, are no longer operative.
In April 2004, ATTF outlined three conditions for the beginning of a process of dialogue. The conditions were:
1. Those who had entered Tripura after 1949 and whose names did not figure in the voters’ list of 1952 should be declared as foreigners.
2. The issue of sovereignty must figure in the negotiation process.
3. A representative of the Unrepresented Nations and People’s Organisation (UNPO)—a non-government global body seeking to represent the interest of indigenous communities worldwide—should be present during the peace talk.
1. Those who had entered Tripura after 1949 and whose names did not figure in the voters’ list of 1952 should be declared as foreigners.
2. The issue of sovereignty must figure in the negotiation process.
3. A representative of the Unrepresented Nations and People’s Organisation (UNPO)—a non-government global body seeking to represent the interest of indigenous communities worldwide—should be present during the peace talk.
These conditions were however, rejected by the State government and no development on this front have taken place since then. ATTF also has a political wing called the Tripura Peoples’ Democratic Front (TPDF).
According to surrendered militants of ATTF, the outfit has taken the initiative to raise a force of women cadres in 2010. These women cadres are being trained in ATTF camps in Bangladesh. They are being trained in the use of arms, tactics of guerrilla warfare and even the technique of making bombs.
3. BOROK NATIONAL COUNCIL OF TRIPURA (BNCT)
Borok National Council of Tripura (BNCT) was formed in September 2000 by Jogendra alias Joshua Debbarma. It was formed as a result of a split in NLFT due to differences between the Halam and Debbarma tribal members of the NLFT.
BNCT had been marginalized within the first few years of its operation. The NLFT helped in its revival since 2006 and it now manages the abduction and extortion activities of NLFT, mainly in the North Tripura and Dhalai districts. It is also involved in recruiting tribal youths into the NLFT.
MILITANT GROUPS' OF NAGALAND
MILITANT GROUPS' OF NAGALAND
he National Socialist Council of Nagaland- Isak Muivah (NSCN-IM) was formed on April 30, 1988 following a violent clash between the NSCN cadres over the issue of starting a negotiation process with the Government of India. The undivided NSCN was, however, formed on January 31, 1980 by former Naga National Council (NNC) leaders, Isak Chisi Swu, Thuingaleng Muivah and S.S. Khaplang.
The purported aim of the NSCN-IM has been the establishment of a sovereign Nagalim (liberally described as Greater Nagaland that includes the areas inhabited by the Naga tribals in Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh in addition to the state of Nagaland). The outfit’s manifesto is guided by an overtly spiritual fervour and it speaks of the establishment of ‘Nagaland for Christ’.
The NSCN-IM is led by its chairman Isak Chisi Swu and general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah. The outfit maintains a ‘ministry’ consisting of kilonsers (ministers) for various departments. The outfit’s headquarter is presently based in Camp Hebron, near Dimapur, Nagaland’s commercial hub.
Subsequent to a decade of armed violence, the NSCN-IM entered into a peace process with New Delhi in 1997 and since then, the group has held several rounds of dialogues with the government representatives. The talks, in the recent years, have hit a deadlock over the outfit’s demand for the merger of the Naga-inhabited areas of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh with Nagaland. The ceasefire agreement has been extended periodically over the years, and in 2007, both sides agreed to extend it indefinitely, thus doing away with the need for its regular extension. Several rounds of talks have taken place since then in Delhi and elsewhere, but no concrete outcome has come out of the talks.
According to ceasefire ground rules, the NSCN-IM cadres are supposed to stay within the confines of the designated camps. But this requirement has been violated with impunity and the outfits cadres have moved out of the camps to carry out their activities. Several incidents of extortion and factional clashes have been reported with the rival Khaplang faction and the NNC from almost all districts of Nagaland and the hill districts of neighbouring Manipur. Reports indicate that taking advantage of the ceasefire agreement, the NSCN-IM has increased its cadre strength to about 2,500.
In August 2009, Union Home Secretary G.K.Pillai said that the Centre is drafting a proposal to place before the NSCN-IM leaders as a solution to the Naga problem and may even consider amending the Constitution to accommodate their demand. The Centre also decided to wind up the term of K. Padmanabhaiah as interlocutor for talks with NSCN-IM. Centre then appointed R.S.Pandey as the new interlocutor to facilitate talks with the NSCN-IM on February 12, 2010. Pandey is a 1972 batch Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer, belonging to Nagaland cadre. He was the Union Petroleum Secretary and had retired in January 2010.
On March 2, 2010, an NSCN-IM delegation, lead by its chairman Isak Chisi Swu and general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah, met the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Union Home Minister P Chidambaram in New Delhi. The Naga leaders also held a series of meetings with interlocutor R.S Pandey during their stay in New Delhi. The visiting NSCN (IM) delegation put forward 30 demands, which included sovereignty for Nagaland, and unification of all Naga-dominated areas of neighbouring states.
After the talks Muivah came to Dimapur and decided to visit his native village Somdal in Ukhrul district of Manipur. This was to be his first visit to his birth place after 40 years. The union government also granted his request and the visit was scheduled to take place during the first week of May. Muivah was also expected to visit other Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur during the visit. But, on April 30, 2010, Manipur government announced that it would not allow Muivah to come to Manipur as there are possibilities of disturbances if the NSCN-IM leader comes to Manipur. The government also clamped restriction under Section 144 of CrPC in Senapati district in addition to deployment of additional forces in order to prevent Muivah from entering Manipur. On May 6, 2010, the situation in Mao border gate, through which Muivah was expected to enter Manipur, turned tense. A number of locals stormed a temporary security barrack which lead the security personnel resort to firing leaving two locals dead and fifty others, including women, injured. After this incident and after requests from the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and some Naga civil society organizations, Muivah postponed his visit to Somdal and camped himself in Viswema village near the Mao gate on the inter-state border of Nagaland and Manipur.
On June 4, 2010 Muivah moved to Pfutsero in Phek district on a “Goodwill mission”. In the same month he visited Jotsoma village near Kohima, Pughoboto in Zunheboto district, Tuensang and Peren as a part of his peace mission where he held consultations with civil society leaders on the Naga talks issue.
Two more rounds of talks were held in Delhi with the Centre on July 23 and July 29, 2010 with both the sides expressing satisfaction over the way the talks are progressing.
NSCN-IM is described as the mother of all insurgencies in Northeast India and over the years, its assistance has been vital for the survival and sustenance of several outfits in various states of the region. NSCN-IM has trained cadres of almost all other militant outfits in the region and had provided them with arms and camping facilities as well. It has linkages both outside and within India. It has a longstanding relationship with Pakistan’s ISI. Reports also indicate its linkages with Harkat-ul Jehad-al Islami (HUJI), a fundamentalist group in Bangladesh.
A Following the violent clash of 30 April 1988, S S Khaplang led a group of NSCN cadres to form the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K). The purported objective of NSCN-K, is not too different from the Isak-Muivah faction (NSCN-IM), although the former emphasises more on the inclusion of the Naga-inhabited areas of Myanmar into the proposed Nagalim (Greater Nagaland) and not so much on such areas in the neighbouring states of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh.
NSCN-K chairman S S Khaplang is a Hemi Naga from Myanmar and is based in Myanmar, where the outfit maintains several camps. Starting 1988, the outfit has engaged in a bitter fratricidal warfare with the NSCN-IM. The latter, on the other hand, has described the NSCN-K as an agent of the Indian government and an ally of the security forces. Other senior leaders including Kughalo Mulatonu are mostly based in Nagaland.
Following NSCN-IM’s example, the NSCN-K entered into a ceasefire agreement with the Government of India in 2001. The outfit has consistently voiced its opposition against the Government’s decision to continue its dialogue with the NSCN-IM and hence, has not held a single round of dialogue with New Delhi, although both sides have extended the ceasefire agreement periodically, the latest being on May 3, 2010 for one year till April 28, 2011. Its cadres, supposed to have been staying within the designated camps, like those of the NSCN-IM, have moved out to extort and intimidate civilian population in the state.
Of late, NSCN-K has decided to come over for talks with the Government of India and it has also modified its stand on sovereignty, saying “sovereignty” could be redefined once the negotiation begins with the government. It, however, insists that the letter for talks should come from the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO).
The NSCN-K’s area of influence, mostly confined to its traditional strongholds such as Mokokchung district, has shrunk over the years. A number of its cadres and middle level functionaries have deserted the outfit to join the NSCN-IM. The NSCN-K, on the other hand, has joined hands with the NNC (the first Naga insurgent group founded by Angami Zapu Phizo), to carry out attacks on the NSCN-IM. The NSCN-K was also involved in the formation of NSCN-Unification (NSCN-U) on November 23, 2007 and both these outfits are engaged in clashes with NSCN-IM.
The outfit maintains strategic linkages with the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and allows the outfit’s cadres to use its facilities in the Sagaing division of Myanmar.
On November 23, 2007, several NSCN (IM) cadres led by its one-time ‘home minister’ Azheto Chopey broke away from the group and formed a new outfit called the NSCN - Unification. These cadres assembled at the village of Hovishe, in Niuland sub-division in the Dimapur district, and met with leaders of the NSCN (K). Apparently, the two groups, the newly formed NSCN (U) and the NSCN (K)—both rivals of the NSCN(IM)—signed an inter-factional ‘truce agreement’ declaring the unification of the two factions for a common goal. It was clear that the NSCN (U) and the NSCN (K) had become allies.
On January 21, 2008, the NSCN (IM) 'dismissed' 27 of its cadres, who had defected along with Chopey from 'national service' with effect from January 22, 2008, for 'deliberately defying' a directive of the 'yaruiwo' (prime minister) Isak Chishi Swu to return from the "reactionary camp" and report to the Council Headquarters. Samson Jajo, 'chief principal secretary' of the NSCN (IM), said a decision towards this effect was taken in exercise of the decision of the "National Security Council". Since January 2008, the NSCN (U) was involved in bitter clashes with the NSCN (IM), culminating in the death of 14 of its cadres near Dimapur, Nagaland’s commercial hub, on May 16, 2008. However, the unification faction of NSCN has not been involved in much incidents since 2009.
The NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) faction was formed on June 7, 2011. The faction was formed by a dissenting group of cadres of NSCN-Khaplang faction (NSCN-K) under the leadership of Khole Konyak and Kitovi Zhimoni. They severed ties with the Khaplang faction alleging `dictatorial leadership' of Khaplang. They described S.S. Khaplang as a `Burmese national' and asked him not to interfere in `Naga affairs'. The NSCN-K in reply said that Khole and Kitovi Zhimoni had become "prisoners of the NSCN (IM)". The Khole-Kitovi faction tried to reconcile with the NSCN (IM) but differences between Muivah and Kitovi didn’t allow this to happen.
Clashes between the two factions began in December 2011. In 2012, 14 incidents of clashes between these two factions were reported. Some of these incidents are:
2012
February 5: Two NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) cadres were killed, and another was injured, after NSCN-K cadres attacked a 'mobile camp' of NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) on the outskirts of Athibung area in Peren district, Nagaland.
February 5: Two NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) cadres were killed, and another was injured, after NSCN-K cadres attacked a 'mobile camp' of NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) on the outskirts of Athibung area in Peren district, Nagaland.
February 29: Suspected NSCN-K militants killed two NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) cadres at Phomching Town under Mon district.
March 15: Three dead bodies of NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) cadres were found a few hundred metres away from Chui Village Junction in Mon district, Nagaland. The deceased were `arrested' some days earlier by NSCN-K cadres, who killed them on March 14.
March 17: A kapur (area administrator) of NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) was shot dead by suspected NSCN-K cadres at Naga Hospital in Kohima. A civilian was also injured in the incident.
March 28: NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) and NSCN-K cadres clashed at a place between Natha Old and Natha New, on the outskirts of Zunheboto District, Nagaland, though no casualty was reported. NSCN-K claimed that firing had occurred due to "provocation" by NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) cadres, who had threatened to chase the NSCN-K out from Zunheboto.
On April 27, 2012, the Centre signed a ceasefire agreement with the NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) faction for one year.
MILITANT GROUPS' OF MANIPUR
MILITANT GROUPS' OF MANIPUR
Formed on November 24, 1964, the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) is the first militant outfit to have been founded in the valley areas of Manipur. The outfit aims at establishing an independent socialist Manipur. Manipur People’s Army (MPA) is the armed wing of the outfit which has observed its 22nd raising day on February 8, 2009. Today, UNLF is the most potent group in the state, carrying out violent actions.
The founder leader of the outfit is Areambam Samarendra Singh. Currently, it is headed by Rajkumar Meghen alias Sana Yaima who is the chairman of the outfit. Th Sanachou is the general secretary of the outfit and A Wangpa is the defence secretary of the outfit. Ksh Yoiheiba is the senior publicity officer of UNLF’s publicity department. According to Imphal police, the outfit’s current cadre strength is somewhere between 1,500 to 1,700. Successful recruitment drives have ensured more or less undisturbed cadre strength for the outfit over the years. Many of the cadres have access to and are trained in the use of most sophisticated weapons. The outfit has several training camps in Myanmar and Bangladesh.
The outfit’s activities have been reported from all the districts located in the valley areas of the state. On occasions, the UNLF has also trespassed into the hill areas of the state to carry out activities targeting the tribal population. The outfit’s activities have also been reported from the bordering areas between Assam and Manipur, especially southern Assam’s Cachar district.
During its formative years, UNLF was patronised by Pakistan in the erstwhile East Pakistan (Bangladesh) and a number of UNLF cadres underwent military training under the aegis of the Pakistani army. Subsequently, China is known to have warmed up to UNLF, although such ties no longer exist. On the strategic front, UNLF shares bonhomie with the NSCN-K and the ULFA, apart from the valley based militant outfits within the state.
In September 2006, the UNLF, forwarded a four point formula to start a plebiscite process for resolution of the conflict in Manipur. These included:
(1) A plebiscite under United Nations (UN) supervision to elicit the opinion of the people of the State on the core issue of restoration of Manipur’s independence.
(2) Deployment of a UN peace-keeping force in Manipur to ensure that the process is free and fair.
(3) Surrender of arms by the UNLF to the UN force, matched by the withdrawal of Indian troops and
(4) Handing over of political power by the UN in accordance with the results of the plebiscite.
The proposal was rejected by the State government.
On November 31, 2010 Rajkumar Meghen alias Sana Yaima, chairman of UNLF, was arrested from Motihari in East Champaran district of Bihar. He had earlier gone missing after being reportedly arrested in Bangladesh in September 2010.
N. Bisheswar Singh formed the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) on September 25, 1978 with an objective of liberating Manipur from Indian suzerainty. To begin with, the strategic approach of the outfit to achieve its objective involved organizing a revolutionary front of all dissenting ethnic groups in India’s Northeast and setting up a common front against India. The Revolutionary People’s Front (RPF) is the political front of the PLA.
Irengbam Chaoren functions as the President of the RPF. The current cadre strength of the PLA is estimated at 1500, most of whom are armed. The cadres are organised into four military divisions – SadarHill West areas of the Valley of Manipur, Sadar Hill areas in the eastern Valley, the hill areas in Manipur and the Imphal area. PLA cadres have mounted several attacks targeting security forces. Although for a number of years, the outfit adhered to a policy of not targeting the state police forces, of late attacks targeting police personnel have been reported.
Extortion and arms smuggling remains the primary source of income for the outfit. In 1990, the PLA established a campaign called ‘Staforce’ for enforcing restrictions on the sale of alcohol and drugs, curb political corruption, and control immoral behaviour. Over the years, PLA has issued several diktats with an objective of augmenting its popularity among the civilian population. In September 2007, the outfit imposed a ban on betel leaf consumption in the state as part of its anti-tobacco campaign. The PLA has been active in the valley districts of the state. In recent times, PLA cadres have also been arrested from Assam and Meghalaya.
The outfit, like most outfits operating in the valley areas of Manipur, has refused to enter into negotiations with the Indian authorities.
The outfit enjoys popularity among the civilian population and has also been patronised by the politicians of the state. The outfit maintains several camps in Bangladesh and Myanmar. In 1989, the outfit had announced the formation of a government-in-exile in Bangladesh.
Formed on October 9, 1977, the People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) is one of the oldest militant groups in Manipur. It demands establishment of an independent Manipur state sans the outside migrants. In an important announcement in October 2007, the outfit set itself the deadline of 2015 to achieve its objective, failing which it would abandon the path of armed revolution forever.
R.K. Tulachandra was the founding leader of the outfit. Following his killing in an encounter in 1986, S. Wanglen assumed the position of commander-in-chief of the outfit. At presentl, Achamba is the chairman of the outfit and Tajila is the commander-in-chief. Official estimate of the cadre strength of the outfit is about 200. Most of its cadres are armed with sophisticated array of weapons and have posed major challenges for the security forces. Activities of the outfit are largely confined to the valley districts of Manipur. Such activities in the recent years are on a decline, mostly as a result of the inter-outfit rivalry.
Finances of the outfit are mostly managed through extortion targeting the civilians, traders and government employees in the state. The outfit, for a number of years, was known to have cornered government contracts and sold them off to private contractors for a commission of 10 per cent. In October 2007, the outfit announced that it is giving up the practice and also would no longer ‘tax’ the government employees and the vehicles plying within the state. It declared that it would primarily depend on voluntary contribution from individuals and such contributions would be limited to Rs.15,000 per year.
The PREPAK, especially in the 1990s, was patronised by the NSCN-IM. Being a constituent of the Manipur People’s Liberation Front (MPLF), PREPAK shares strategic linkages with the UNLF and the PLA. The outfit also maintains few camps in Bangladesh.
Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) was formed in January 1994, with a purported objective of establishing a utopian Manipuri society by getting rid of all vices that are afflicting the society currently. The outfit underwent a split in 1996 into two factions- Namoijam Oken led KYKL-O and Achou Toijamba-led KYKL-T. Both factions, however, reunited in 2002.
Achou Toijamba is the present chairman of the outfit and Keisham Yaima is its general secretary. Namoijam Oken and Toijam Ibochou head the outfit’s Meeyamgi Yawol Lanmee (military commission). The outfit is known to have about 500 cadres some of whom are armed. The outfit has access to the most sophisticated weapons like AK series rifles and RPG and explosives. It mostly operates in the valley districts of Imphal East, Imphal West, Bishnupur and Thoubal. Like every militant outfit operating in Manipur, extortion remains the primary source of income for the KYKL.
With the aim in rebuilding a vice free Manipuri society, the outfit has launched operations against drug trade, corruption in public offices and all activities that the outfit considers as signs of decadence. In 2001, the outfit started Operation New Kangleipak (Kangleipak being the ancient name for Manipur), a high profile campaign to clean up the educational system in Manipur. KYKL is mostly known for the diktats issued by its information and publicity wing. Such diktats have ranged from imposing certain dress code on women to banning chewing of tobacco. Although such diktats have been greatly dissented, the fear of reprisal has made people fall in line. On several occasions, the outfit abducts students indulging in malpractices during examinations and officials in the education department to punish them by shooting at their legs.
KYKL operates in the valley districts of Manipur and shares a close nexus with the other militant outfits operating in the valley. Outside Manipur, it maintains strategic linkages with the NSCN-IM. It has two camps in Bangladesh and one camp in Burma. Its weaponry includes sophisticated weapons like AK-47, Rocket Launchers and self loading rifles (SLR). Extortion is the main source of funding for the outfit.
The Kuki Revolutionary Army (KRA) was formed in December 2000 at Saikul of Manipur’s Senapati district, by a group of disgruntled cadres of the Kuki National Front (KNF)’s Military Council faction. The purported objective of the outfit is to secure a “separate State” for the Kuki tribe within the Indian union. In Assam, where the outfit operates in the Karbi Anglong district, the KRA aims at the establishment of a “Kuki National Council”, an autonomous administrative council for the Kuki tribals.
The KRA chairman Thangkeng Hangshing was killed by cadres of a rival militant outfit in his brother’s house in the Srinivaspuri locality in national capital New Delhi on 11 November 2007. The other office bearers of the outfit include its Publicity Secretary Zet Kuki and Information Secretary D.T. Haokip. Approximate cadre strength of the KRA is 250, out of which about 150 cadres are believed to be armed with assorted weapons.
The main area of operation of the outfit is in the Saikul and Kangpokpi sub-division of the Senapati district, Chalwa area in the Tamenglong district, Chandel and Churachandpur district. Some cadres of the outfit are also based in the Karbi Anglong district of Assam. Source of income for the outfit has been extortion targeting civilians, businessmen and vehicles passing through the area. Demand notes are often sent to the government offices and their dishonouring has led to abduction of officials in the past.
The National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) was instrumental in training and arming the KRA cadres. The KRA has strategic linkages with the United Kuki Liberation Front (UKLF), the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) and the Dima Halim Daogah (DHD). On the other hand, the KRA cadres have engaged in internecine clashes with the rival Kuki National Army (KNA) cadres. On 12 January 2005, a combined team of the UKLF and KRA cadres had killed the KNA chief Vipin Haokip at Diyang in the Churachandpur district.
On August 1, 2005 KRA, along with other 17 Kuki militant outfits, signed Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreements with the government. The agreement has been extended up to August 22, 2010, at a meeting held on August 18, 2009.
Formed in 1988, the Kuki National Army (KNA) is the armed wing of the Kuki National Organisation (KNO), which describes itself as a revolutionary movement based in the ancestral territory (Zale’n-gam) of the Kuki tribals. The Zale’n-gam comprises the contiguous region in Northeast India, Northwest Myanmar, and the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) in Bangladesh.
The primary objective of the KNA is to unite all the Kuki-inhabited areas, specifically in the Kabaw valley of Myanmar and the Kuki inhabited areas in the hill districts of Manipur under two Kuki states: one within Myanmar i.e. ‘Eastern Zale’n-gam’ and the other within India, ‘Western Zale’n-gam.’ The outfit has, however, tried to fulfil its objectives within the framework of the Indian constitution.
Brigadier Vipin Haokip was the first Chief of Army Staff of the KNA. Following his death, Colonel S Robert became the Chief of Army Staff in January 2005. The KNA claims to have a cadre strength of 600, many of whom are armed. The outfit reportedly has access to modern weapons like automatic rifles and mortars. Its area of operation is limited to the hill districts of Manipur and neighbouring areas in Assam, where it mostly carries on its extortion activities. On occasions, it has clashed with the NSCN-IM cadres in Manipur.
KNA, over the years, has avoided confrontation with the security forces and has, instead, petitioned the Union Government for fulfilling its objectives. In August 2005, it entered into a formal cessation of hostilities agreement with the security forces. The agreement was, however, rebuffed by the Manipur state government which said that its police force would continue its operation against the Kuki militants. In 2007, however, the state government agreed to respect the agreement. At present, KNA is under a Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement with the government and the agreement has been extended up to August 22, 2010.
The KNA’s strategic partners include the NSCN-K, the United National Liberation Front or the UNLF (a major rebel group in Manipur) and the ULFA. Such linkages, over the years, however, have considerably weakened.
People’s United Liberation Front (PULF), founded in 1993, claims to represent the interests of the Pangal (Muslim) community in Manipur. Incidentally, PULF is one of the various Islamist extremist organizations which originated in Manipur following the May 3, 1993 communal clash between the Muslims and the dominant Meiteis in the Thoubal and Imphal (East and West) districts. While other Islamist outfits disintegrated, PULF has survived and has been bolstered following the May 30, 2007 merger of the Islamic National Front along with it.
Although the PULF aims at establishing an independent Islamic country in India’s Northeast through the launch of an armed revolution against the Indian state by joining causes with other like-minded radical Islamist outfits, it has acted mostly as a vigilante outfit over the years. Its activities have mostly been confined to protect the ‘values’ of the Muslim community by imposing behavioural patterns on them. It has passed several strictures against the consumption of drugs and alcohol by the Muslim youths in Manipur. It has also tried imposing dress code on Muslim girls.
The outfit’s cadre strength is estimated at about 150. Only few of the cadres are armed. Most of the outfit’s attacks involve the use of explosives. Once powerful, the outfit’s strength has waned considerably following the May 11, 2006 death of Bashir Laskar, ‘commander in chief’ of PULF and Mohammad Shafi alias Rami, its ‘deputy home secretary’.
The outfit mostly operates in the valley districts of Manipur including Thoubal. In the past, it operated in the Barpeta, Nagaon and Lakhimpur districts and the Barak valley areas of neighbouring Assam. However, such activities have ceased. Extortion forms the bulk of its source of funds. In addition, few incidents of arms smuggling involving PULF cadres have also been reported.
Strategically, PULF is linked to the NSCN-IM. The latter is believed to have trained and armed the PULF cadres in return for money. Official sources link PULF with the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).
A new militant outfit called the United Naga People’s Council (UNPC) is formed and a formal announcement was made on May 19, 2008 before the media at an unspecified place in the Senapati district. It reportedly consists of cadres of a splinter group of the NSCN-IM in Manipur. The ‘president’ of the group, S.S. Max, said that the group aims at restoring peaceful co-existence amongst the people living in both hills and valley and to safeguard the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Manipur. He said the new splinter group had no enmity with the ‘revolutionary movements’ waged by the NSCN-IM, NSCN-K and NNC. He also said the outfit is led by two ‘colonels’, one ‘major’, two ‘captains’, two ‘full junior full lieutenants’, three ‘second lieutenants’ and 20 trained cadres of the NSCN-IM, who had defected in April 2008 and had formed the UNPC in the state on April 30.
The former Chinglemba Mangang group of PREPAK re-incarnated itself with a new nomenclature to be known as the United People’s Party of Kangleipak (UPPK) with its armed wing Kangleipak People’s Army (KPA).
Announcing the formation of the new group by the old cadres, Khuman Laishramcha, Assistant Secretary in-charge, District Committee Member (DCM), Information and Publicity Department, United People's Party of Kangleipak (UPPK) informed in a press note that the party with its armed wing founded on November 6, 2008 stand for a united effort of all like minded revolutionary outfits operating in the region to make a sovereign republic of Kangleipak free from the age-old yoke of the Indian Union and its colonial system of government once and for all.
The press note further stated that the party stand for united endeavour and collective struggle to foster unity, promote revolutionary comradeship and maintain a close relationship among all the revolutionary parties existing in the region with due respect to each other until the common goal is reached.
The press note of the newly formed party further stated that their party does not encourage all sorts of forcible monetary demands and collections.
Declaring that the Chinglemba Mangang group of PREPAK will no longer be seen or heard in the land, the press note affirmed that the UPPK with its armed wing KPA is pladged to carry on its revolutionary activities under the supreme command and leadership of its sole founder-leader Chinglemba Mangang.
On May 21, 2009, UPPK launched ‘Operation Wayel’, with the objective of ensuring due quality in contract works and goods supplied as well as to do away with all forms of fraudulent practices. The outfit said that under the operation, it would check all goods supplied by suppliers and works executed by contractors.
Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP) was formed by a dissident group of People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK), led by Y. Ibohanbi on April 13, 1980. Its objective is to win freedom from Indian rule and formation of an egalitarian society for the Kangleipak (Manipur) through an armed struggle.
The founder of KCP, Y. Ibohanbi, was killed during a security force operation in 1995. After his death, KCP broke into many factions. There were moves to unite these factions but there was very little success. On August 23, 2011, the Union Minister of State for Home Affairs, M Ramachandran said in the Lok Sabha that there are at present 12 factions of the KCP. These factions are KCP (Noyon), KCP-MC Lanheiba Meitei, KCP-MC Lanjaba Meitei, KCP Lamphel, KCP City Meitei, KCP Kokkai, KCP Nando, KCP KK Nganba, KCP-MC Ningamba and KCP-MC Lallumba.
The presence of KCP is mostly in the valley areas of Manipur but it has been found to be engaged in extortion and other activities in the hill districts also. These extortion activities are the main sources of funds for the outfit. KCP has relationship with most of the outfits operating in the valley districts of Manipur. In its earlier days it also maintained ties with the NSCN-IM and the ULFA.
Manipur Naga Revolutionary Front (MNRF) was formed in 2008 under the leadership of Allen Siro and claims to be an autonomous revolutionary group formed to save the territorial integrity of Manipur.
A release from the group’s publicity secretary, C Rocky in May 2009 said that MNRF does not collect house tax, ration tax but helps the people in the areas it operates, although it will collect three per cent as party funds from any development work, contract, scheme and employees of the government offices etc.
12. KUKI NATIONAL FRONT
Kuki national front (KNF) was formed under the leadership of Ranco Thangboi Kuki on May 18, 1988. The primary reason for the formation of the outfit was to counter the increasing influence of NSCN-IM in the Kuki-inhabited areas of Manipur.
The main objective of the outfit is the formation of a separate State or Union Territory for the Kuki community, ‘Kukiland’.
In 1995, KNF split into two - the "presidential” faction and the "military council” faction.
The presidential faction again split into two - Samuel faction (KNF-S) and Zougam faction (KNF-Z).
The presidential faction again split into two - Samuel faction (KNF-S) and Zougam faction (KNF-Z).
The main area of operation of KNF is the Churachandpur district of Manipur. It also operates in other Kuki inhibited areas of the Chandel, Tamenglong and Senapati districts. It has links with the other Kuki militant outfits, with the valley-based outfits of Manipur like UNLF and PLA. It also has ties with the NSCN-K.
In August 22, 2008, KNF (all its factions) and other Kuki militant outfits signed the Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement with the central government in New Delhi. They are at cesefire since then and its cadres are staying in the designated camps. In March 2010, the Union Home Secretary, G.K.Pillai met the leaders of the KNF in Manipur and the peace talks are expected to begin soon.
There are 18 Kuki militant groups in Manipur. Apart from Kuki Revolutionary Army (KRA) and Kuki National Army (KNA), other outfits are not much active. These Kuki militant outfits have signed Suspension of Operation (SoO) with Government of India under the banner of United Peoples' Front (UPF) and Kuki National Organisation (KNO). The agreement has been extended up to August 22, 2010.
The groups under KNO are Kuki National Front (Military Council), Kuki National Front (Zogam), United Socialist Revolutionary Army (Old Kuki), United Komrem Revolutionary Army (UKRA), Zomi Reunification Front (ZRF), Zou Defence Volunteer (ZDV-KNO), Hmar National Army (HNA), Kuki Revolutionary Army (Unification), Kuki Liberation Army (KLA-KNO) and Kuki National Army (KNA).
The groups under UPF include Kuki Revolutionary Army (KRA), Kuki National Front (KNF), United Kuki Liberation Front (UKLF), Kuki Liberation Army (KLA-UPF), Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA), Kuki National Front (S), Hmar Peoples’ Conference/ Democratic (HPC-D) and Zou Defence Volunteers (ZDV-UPF).
HILL TIGER FORCE (HTF)
HILL TIGER FORCE (HTF)
HTF, an outfit formed by Naga, Kuki and Hmar people, was floated in the early 2010. The militant group had been involved in terror activities like kidnapping, extortion and triggering blasts targeting government establishments and trains in the Dima Hasao district. The group is opposed to the Government's action to change the nomenclature of the erstwhile North Cachar Hill district to Dima Hasao. They also oppose the constitution of the Dima Hasao Territorial Council in place of the autonomous council. On 13 November 2011, the Dima Hasao police and 25 Battalion Assam Rifles launched an operation in the jungles of the Arda area, 35 km from Haflong. The police arrested nine cadres of the outfit, including HTF 'commander-in-chief' Benjamin Zaolin Jate, 'finance secretary' Zare Thiyek, a self-styled 'sergeant major' and six 'sepoys' of the outfit.
NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT OF BENGALIS (NLFB)
NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT OF BENGALIS (NLFB)
The National Liberation Front of Bengalis (NLFB) was formed on 21 November 2013, as confirmed by the Assam police. Abhijit Das, 'commander-in-chief' of NLFB, called up a Guwahati-based satellite news channel on 20 November and claimed that the group had planted three explosives—one on a train, the other in Chirang and the third in Kokrajhar—and the police later detected the same and defused all. He said their intention was not to kill people but to warn the Government of their decision to take up arms to protest abduction and extortion in the BTC area.
UNITED PEOPLE'S LIBERATON FRONT (UPLF)
UNITED PEOPLE'S LIBERATON FRONT (UPLF)
United Peoples Liberation Front (UPLF) came into existence on 4 January 2013 with an aim to create a separate Dimasa Karbi-Anchal state comprising of Karbi Anglong and Dima Hasao. The statement was made in a mailed press release by information and publicity secretary of UPLF, R. Dimasa and L. Karbi. It was informed that S. Karbi was appointed as the Chairman and J. Dimasa as Commander-in-Chief of the outfit. In the release the outfit stated, “Hill people are feeling betrayed by the Government of Assam, there is no alternative to an autonomous state which will have to be created with Karbi and Dimasa dominated areas”. The organization warned that those involved in illegal exploitation of minerals and natural resources within the declared zone of Dimasa Karbi-anchal would be punished. The UPLF has also warned dishonest governmental officials to cease from deceitful activities, failing which it would carry out action in accordance to ‘Ydo- Wojaru’ martial rule.
NATIONAL DIMASA PROTECTION ARMY (NDPA)
NATIONAL DIMASA PROTECTION ARMY (NDPA)
On 20 December 2011, a new Dimasa outfit emerged in Dima Hasao autonomous district of Assam. The NDPA (National Dimasa Protection Army) publicity secretary Sumit Dimasa said that Dimasas would not accept anything but an ‘autonomous state’ for the community. NDPA has declared that ‘armed struggle’ for achieving an autonomous state would continue till the goal is reached.
DIMA JADI NAISO ARMY (DJNA)
DIMA JADI NAISO ARMY (DJNA)
Dima Jadi Naiso Army (DJNA) was formed on 25 September 2012, in the Dima Hasao Autonomous Territorial Council. This group has its headquarters at Dima Halali. Its main objective is to unite the Dimasa-Kachari population of the region and to protect and promote as well as work for the development of all Dimasa Kacharis and to fight for establishment of their own separate state—Dimaraji ('Land of Dimasas') comprising the Dimasa-inhabited areas of Assam and Nagaland. They believe that the Dimasas are deprived of their rights, existence and development. The announcement was made by the Chairman of the outfit, Bhaipa Dimasa, in a press note to the media. Bhaipa Dimasa said the DJNA (Dima Jadi Naiso Army) has taken up 11-point charter of aims and objectives, the foremost among them, being the establishment of a separate state, which will be named as ‘Dimaraji State’. It will bring about unification of all the Dimasa Kachari inhabited areas of the entire Northeast under “one umbrella, one rule and one form of government”. In order to run the outfit, they resolved to seek financial and material help of people from within and outside their ‘territory’. The Commander-in-Chief of DJNA is Jering Dimasa and the Secretary General is Rinjen Dimasa.
DIMASA NATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY FRONT (DNRF)
DIMASA NATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY FRONT (DNRF)
Militant outfit called Dimasa National Revolutionary Front (DNRF) raised its head in southern Assam's Dima Hasao district in July 2011. The news of the formation of the new outfit was made available to local media through SMS by its 'publicity secretary' Black Dimasa. According to the self-styled 'publicity secretary', the aim of the outfit is to "ensure safety and security of the Dimasa people living in the region and all-round development of Dima Hasao district."He also claimed that DNRF was concerned about the demand raised by the NC Hills Indigenous Students Forum (NCHISF) to bifurcate the Dima Hasao district. "We oppose the demand for bifurcation at all costs. We can't allow the district to weaken geographically by dividing it further in the name of any community or group of people," the message said. The 'chairman' of the outfit is Hasong Dimasa and the 'finance secretary' is Diamond Dimasa.
NATIONAL SANTHALI LIBERATION ARMY (NSLA)
NATIONAL SANTHALI LIBERATION ARMY (NSLA)
Formed in 2005, the NSLA is a splinter group of five militant outfits, which claim to be fighting for the cause of the Adivasis. The groups are – Adivasi People's Army (APA), Adivasi Cobra Militants of Assam (ACMA), Birsa Commando Force (BCF), Santhali Tiger Force (STF), and All Adivasi National Liberation Army (AANLA). The new outfit was formed after the five militant outfits surrendered their arms and ammunition on 24 January 2012 at Guwahati paving the way for peace talks. The other four outfits who surrendered were Hmar Peoples Convention (Democratic), Kuki Liberation Army (KLA), Kuki Revolutionary Army (KRA) and United Kuki Defence Army (UKDA). The group is influential among the plantation workers in Kokrajhar, Chirang and Udalguri districts of the BTAD. The outfit’s chairman is Efril Murmu and its vice-chairman is Lakhiram Murmu. Deepak Hembrum is the deputy commander-in-chief of NSLA. The militant group is also active in West Bengal’s Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar districts, which share a border with Assam.
The militants are involved in extortion and kidnapping on both the sides of the border. NSLA militants are active in areas like Gosaingaon sub-division of Kokrajhar district. They are carrying out subversive activities like kidnapping, extortion and killings. The NSLA cadres have links with Maoists in Jharkhand and some of their cadres are trained in the red zone. On 31 March 2014, unidentified gunmen shot dead the self-styled commander-in-chief of Santhali Tiger Force Shivlal Murmu at Padumpukhuri under Gossaigaon Police station. On 2 April 2014, the Assam Home Secretary G.D. Tripathi told The Hindu that the State government had received feelers from the NSLA that it was willing to join the peace process with other outfits by surrendering their arms.
ADIVASI PEOPLE’S ARMY (APA)
ADIVASI PEOPLE’S ARMY (APA)
Adivasi People’s Army (APA) was formed in 2006 with the help of United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) in Sonitpur district of Assam. It is led by its ‘commander’ Tarzen Mardi. The outfit is active in the Western Assam’s Bodo heartland of Kokrajhar, in the northern districts of Udalguri and Sonitpur as well as in Eastern Assam. According to police sources, the outfit has about 40-50 trained cadres.
The outfit was allegedly involved in the killing of Bosco Chermaco, the president of All Adivai Students’ Association of Assam on 22 February 2011. The outfit was also responsible for the failed bomb attack on Kanchenjunga Express in Guwahati on June 17, 2011. The outfit was also suspected to be behind the attack on the Guwahati-Puri Express train on 10 July 2011. The outfit triggered an explosion on the railway track near Bhatkuchi between Rangia and Ghagrapar in Lower Assam leading to the derailment of the train injuring 50 persons.
In November 2010, newspaper reports said that the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) has established links with APA. This was revealed during the interrogation of Tarjan Majhi, the Sonitpur district ‘commander’ of the APA. Majhi was arrested with five others on 3 November 2010, at Bhairabguri under Dhekiajuli Police station of Sonitpur district. Majhi claimed that an ULFA self-styled sergeant Major Das had provided arms training to APA cadre in Majbat area of Udalguri district and helped them contact the Maoists.
UNITED DEMOCRATIC LIBERATION FRONT OF BARAK VALLEY (UDLFBV)
UNITED DEMOCRATIC LIBERATION FRONT OF BARAK VALLEY (UDLFBV)
A new outfit called the United Democratic Liberation Front of Barak Valley (UDLFBV) was formed after the Panchram Apeto led United Liberation Front of Barak Valley (ULFBV) surrendered before the Assam Government in September 2008. The ULFBV was formed in 2002 and was operating in the Karimganj and Hailakandi districts of Assam.
RABHA VIPER ARMY (RVA)
RABHA VIPER ARMY (RVA)
Rabha Viper Army was supposedly formed with the support of the ULFA in 2008. It has some influence in the Goalpara district of Assam. It was involved in a few kidnappings and extortion activities in the district.
ASOM LION FORCE
ASOM LION FORCE
Asom Lion Force, a new militant outfit, is reportedly formed on 9 July 2007 by some youths belonging to all Northeastern states in Karbi Anglong district. Aniruddha Barphukan, a self-styled secretary of the outfit, in a statement said the group had been formed to "further strengthen" the liberation movement in the North East. Barphukan has demanded an immediate halt on all "occupational and allied activities" by the Government and called upon the people to boycott all Indian functions and honour their own culture.
BODOLAND ROYAL TIGERS FORCE
BODOLAND ROYAL TIGERS FORCE
The Sentinel reported that a new militant outfit, identified as Bodoland Royal Tigers Force, has been formed in the Bodoland area on 29 March 2008.
BIRSA COMMANDO FORCE (BCF)
BIRSA COMMANDO FORCE (BCF)
The Birsa Commando Force (BCF) was formed in 1997 with demands for a separate Adivasi land, Scheduled Tribe (ST) status for the Adivasis and security for the Adivasi community. Birsingh Munda is the commander-in-chief of the BCF. The outfit signed a ceasefire agreement with the government in 14 August 2004 and has been in ceasefire since then
ADIVASI COBRA MILITANT FORCE (ACMF)
ADIVASI COBRA MILITANT FORCE (ACMF)
Adivasi Cobra Militant Force (ACMF) was formed in the late 1990s with the objective of protecting the Adivasi people of western Assam through an armed revolution. The outfit has its presence in the Kokrajhar and Bongaigaon districts of Assam. The commander of the organization is Durga Minz and the chairman is Xabrias Khakha.
On 9 September 2001, the outfit signed a cease-fire agreement with the government of India and the ceasefire has been periodically extended since then, with no peace talks taking place.
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